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19 November 2010

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Basic Economics Part Eight

 

Chicago School

 

A return to unregulated, free-market economics

came as a reaction to Keynesianism and the

debts governments racked up in its name

 

Milton Friedman (left) was born in 1912 and was one of the leading conservative economists in the second half of the 20th century.

 

Following his death in November 2006 at the age of 94, The Economist wrote that he was “...the most influential economist of the second half of the 20th century…possibly of all of it.”

 

Return to Laissez-faire Capitalism

He became the leading figure of the so-called Chicago School, which was based at the University of Chicago. The roots of Friedman’s teaching can be traced back to Eugen von Boehm-Bawerk’s Austrian School.

 

Both these economic schools stressed the importance of social and market freedoms. They favoured government intervention in the economy being kept to a minimum. In fact, they favoured all government being kept to a minimum.

 

Friedman is the leading believer in the conservative, free-enterprise point of view in modern economics - the belief that free market forces, rather than government intervention, can most effectively produce a balanced and non-inflationary rate of economic growth.

 

Friedman became one of the leading American advocates of the monetarist school of economics, which holds that the business cycle is determined primarily by money supply and interest rates rather than by a government’s fiscal policy (how much it raises through taxation and how much it spends).

 

He believed that central banks (the Bank of Canada for example) can best promote economic stability by increasing the supply of money at a fairly fixed rate instead of sharply expanding or contracting it.

 

Monetarism Explained

One way of understanding monetarism is through a very clever exam question that University of Chicago economics students were asked to answer.

 

“There once was an upright and very proper Englishman who regularly took his summer vacation on a tiny, agreeable, Greek island. The Englishman had returned to the island so many times that his creditworthiness had been established beyond any possible doubt. There was absolutely no chance that the Englishman’s bank would fail to honour his cheques and, indeed, all of them had been honoured promptly.

 

“Because the Englishman’s credit was so sound, the islanders were totally happy to allow him to pay by cheque, with the certain knowledge that they were good cheques. Indeed, so well known and trusted was the Englishman on this tiny island that the islanders were happy to accept the Englishman’s cheques from each other. For example, if the restaurant owner wished to pay the grocer partly with a cheque he had received from the Englishman in payment for a meal, the grocer was happy to accept the cheque.

 

“The grocer was then able to buy gas with the cheque, and the Englishman’s cheques circulated in this way around the island. Indeed, the cheques were never returned to the Englishman’s bank for collection.”

 

The exam question then asked: “Who paid for the Englishman’s holiday?”

 

The answer is that all the islanders together shared the cost. How?

 

The Englishman’s cheques had the effect of increasing the money supply on the Greek island. But, the supply of goods and services remained the same. So, a larger supply of money was chasing the same amount of goods and services, driving up their price - inflation. This means that the money the islanders had before the Englishman’s arrival was now worth a little bit less.

 

Criticism of Keynes

Friedman’s monetary policy approach to economics offers a major alternative to the fiscal policy of the Keynesians. In A Monetary History of the United States, 1867-1960 (1963), written with Anna J. Schwartz, and in other works, Friedman argues that John Maynard Keynes incorrectly minimized the role of money and greatly exaggerated the power of government taxing and spending policies in determining the level of national income and employment.

 

Friedman’s ideas had a profound impact on economic policy in the United States and elsewhere; they won him the 1976 Nobel Prize for Economics.

 

His most popular work is Capitalism and Freedom (1962), which expresses his humanitarian interests. In it he argues for a negative income tax plan, or guaranteed income.

 

Friedman said it’s horribly inefficient to employ a large bureaucracy to collect taxes, shuffle the money around, and then hand it back in the form of social programs.

 

He believed this kind of system damaged traditional values of individual enterprise and looking after yourself. With a guaranteed income, payments to the poor would be made automatically if their incomes fall below a certain level.

 

Friedman saw this approach as the best way of breaking the cycle of welfare dependency.

 

Politics and Economics Meet

The place where politics and economics meet became the place where Milton Friedman’s fame grew.

 

Friedman was a passionate believer in unrestricted capitalism. The core of Milton Friedman’s theories is that the free market, motivated by profit and self-interest, is capable of solving all economic problems. Governments should get out of the way and let the creative force of capitalism perform its magic.

 

Britain’s Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher (in office 1979-1990) and U.S. President Ronald Reagan (in office 1981-89) - shown here together - were firm believers in Friedman’s ideas. They accepted as gospel truth Friedman’s dictum that the best government was the smallest government. Thus began an era of privatization and deregulation.

 

Shortly after his death, Lady Thatcher was quoted by The Independent (November 17, 2006) as saying, "Milton Friedman revived the economics of liberty when it had been all but forgotten...I shall greatly miss my old friend's lucid wisdom..."

 

Thatcherism and Reaganomics

Under various socialist regimes the British government had come to own the coal, steel, oil, and electricity industries, several auto companies, the railway system, the telephone service, a major airline, and much more. These were all sold off to private enterprise by Thatcher. Reagan was not as radical, but he did privatize a rail freight business, Conrail, and Fannie Mae.

 

Both leaders also heeded Friedman’s advice to cut government red tape. In 1982, Ronald Reagan signed into law the Garn-St. Germain Depository Institutions Act.

 

This deregulation of the financial industry was recommended by Reagan’s advisers, one of whom was Milton Friedman.

 

Economist Paul Krugman, writing in The New York Times (May 31, 2009) says this bank deregulation “ended New Deal restrictions on mortgage lending - restrictions that, in particular, limited the ability of families to buy homes without putting a significant amount of money down.”

 

Families began to pile on debt on a scale that would have been impossible if regulations had remained in place.

 

Eventually, overstretched borrowers ran into trouble and began defaulting on their loans. “These defaults,” wrote Krugman, “in turn wreaked havoc with a financial system that - also mainly thanks to Reagan-era deregulation - took on too much risk with too little capital.”

 

It was all tied to the economic theories of Milton Friedman and the people who followed his advice, and brought about the financial collapse of 2008 and the start of the Great Recession.

 

Image credit

Mike Gifford

 

Back to Part Seven

Go to Part Nine

 

Sources

Hazlitt, Henry. Economics in One Lesson,Three Rivers Press, 1988.

Henderson, David R, et al, Concise Encyclopedia of Economics.

McConnell, Campbell R, Brue, Stanley L. Economics, McGraw Hill

Samuelson, Paul. Economics, McGraw Hill, 1948.

Sloman, John. Essential of Economics, Prentice Hall, 1998

 

© Canada and the World, November 2010

All rights reserved

NOTHING IS PERFECT

 

While prices generally balance supply and demand, it doesn’t always work that way: sometimes a price increase also increases demand, if consumers think the price is going to continue to rise.

 

Then, speculation enters the picture: demand continues to go up, which continues to push prices up, which supports the decision to continue buying.

 

That’s what happened before the stock market crash of 1929. The lucky, and perhaps more knowledgeable, investors sold out when prices were high and left “the innocent, the avaricious and the gullible,” as economist John Kenneth Galbraith described them, at rock bottom financially, as they watched the surplus of stocks drive the prices down drastically.

 

Some were so convinced they would become wealthy by buying more stocks that they borrowed money to do so. Even though they had to put up 45% to 50% of the purchase, they still faced financial disaster when their stocks became worthless and they were left with huge debts.

 

 

Milton Friedman was scornful of the ability of government to provide services for people, once saying, according to The Economist (August 7, 2008), “If you put the federal government in charge of the Sahara Desert, in five years there’d be a shortage of sand.”

 

 

EPIC DEBT

 

Despite apparently following the advice of Milton Friedman for three decades - smaller government, minimal borrowing, low taxation - the United States is now in a very deep hole of debt.

 

Writing in The New York Times (July 31, 2010) President Reagan’s former budget chief David Stockman pointed out that,

“The nation’s public debt — if honestly reckoned to include municipal bonds and the $7 trillion of new deficits baked into the cake through 2015 — will soon reach $18 trillion.”

 

He adds that mismanagement has “crippled our economy.”

 

 

 

CASINO CAPITALISM

French President Nicolas Sarkozy was another ardent fan of laissez-faire capitalism.

 

But then the world’s financial system fell apart after banks were tripped up by peddling worthless debt among themselves because no government regulators were available to control them.

 

In a September 2008 speech in Toulon, France Sarkozy said, “Self-regulation is finished. Laissez-faire is finished. The all-powerful market that is always right is finished.

 

He was quick to add that capitalism itself is not finished and it isn’t. It will take on a different form from what critics have come to call “casino capitalism.”

 

In October 2008, The Economist wrote that “…all the signs are pointing in the same direction: a larger role for the state, and a smaller and more constrained private sector.”